کوردیپیدیا بەرفرەهترین ژێدەرێ زانیاریێن کوردییە!
دەربارێ مە
ئەرشیڤ ڤانێن کوردیپێدیا
 لێ گەڕیان
 تومارکرنا بابەت
 ئامراز
 زمان
 هژمارا من
 گەڕیان ل دویڤ
 ڕووپەل
  دوخێ تاڕی
 ڕێکخستنێن دەستپێکی
 لێ گەڕیان
 تومارکرنا بابەت
 ئامراز
 زمان
 هژمارا من
        
 kurdipedia.org 2008 - 2026
پەرتوکخانە
 
تومارکرنا بابەت
   لێ گەڕیانا هویر
پەیوەندی
کوردیی ناوەند
Kurmancî
کرمانجی
هەورامی
English
Français
Deutsch
عربي
فارسی
Türkçe
עברית

 زێدە...
 زێدە...
 
 دوخێ تاڕی
 سڵایدباڕ
 مەزناهییا فۆنتی


 ڕێکخستنێن دەستپێکی
دەربارێ مە
بابەت ب هەلکەفتێ
رێسایێن بکار ئینانێ
ئەرشیڤ ڤانێن کوردیپێدیا
بوچوونێن هەوە
کومکری
کرونولوژیا ڕویدانا
 چالاکی - کوردیپێدیا
هاریکاری
 زێدە
 ناونامە بو زاروکێن کورد
 گەڕیان ب کرتە
ئامار
بابەت
  586,101
وێنە
  124,409
پەرتوک PDF
  22,120
فایلێن پەیوەندیدار
  126,463
ڤیدیۆ
  2,193
زمان
کوردیی ناوەڕاست - Central Kurdish 
317,317
Kurmancî - Upper Kurdish (Latin) 
95,685
هەورامی - Kurdish Hawrami 
67,750
عربي - Arabic 
44,095
کرمانجی - Upper Kurdish (Arami) 
26,711
فارسی - Farsi 
15,883
English - English 
8,533
Türkçe - Turkish 
3,836
Deutsch - German 
2,037
لوڕی - Kurdish Luri 
1,785
Pусский - Russian 
1,145
Français - French 
359
Nederlands - Dutch 
131
Zazakî - Kurdish Zazaki 
92
Svenska - Swedish 
79
Español - Spanish 
61
Italiano - Italian 
61
Polski - Polish 
60
Հայերեն - Armenian 
57
لەکی - Kurdish Laki 
39
Azərbaycanca - Azerbaijani 
35
日本人 - Japanese 
24
Norsk - Norwegian 
22
中国的 - Chinese 
21
עברית - Hebrew 
20
Ελληνική - Greek 
19
Fins - Finnish 
14
Português - Portuguese 
14
Catalana - Catalana 
14
Esperanto - Esperanto 
10
Ozbek - Uzbek 
9
Тоҷикӣ - Tajik 
9
Srpski - Serbian 
6
ქართველი - Georgian 
6
Čeština - Czech 
5
Lietuvių - Lithuanian 
5
Hrvatski - Croatian 
5
балгарская - Bulgarian 
4
Kiswahili سَوَاحِلي -  
3
हिन्दी - Hindi 
2
Cebuano - Cebuano 
1
қазақ - Kazakh 
1
ترکمانی - Turkman (Arami Script) 
1
پول
کرمانجی
کەسایەتی 
9,210
جهـ 
832
پارت و رێکخراو 
59
بەلاڤوک (گوڤار، روژنامە و ...) 
40
هەمەجۆرە 
3
وێنە و پێناس 
629
کارێن هونەری 
16
رێکەفت و رووداو (کڕۆنۆلۆژیا) 
22
نەخشە 
3
ناڤێن کوردی 
8
پەند 
2,107
وشە و دەستەواژە 
913
شوینوار و جهێن کەڤنار 
42
لێنانگەها کوردی 
1
پەڕتووکخانە 
1,394
كلتوور - پێکەنین 
7
کورتەباس 
864
شەهیدان 
2,692
کۆمکوژی 
7,159
بەلگەنامە 
73
هوز - تیرە - بنەماڵ 
3
ئامار و راپرسیا 
163
ڤیدیۆ 
23
ژینگەها کوردستانێ 
1
هۆزان 
237
فەرهەنگ 
27
موزەخانە 
19
گیانلبەرێن کوردستانێ 
1
نڤیسێن ئایینی 
163
کۆگەها فایلان
MP3 
1,499
PDF 
34,764
MP4 
3,993
IMG 
234,717
∑   رێژە 
274,973
گەڕان لدیف ناڤەڕوکێ دە
DBP Co-Chair: The Kurdish issue cannot be addressed solely on the basis of security
پول: کورتەباس
زمانێ بابەتی: English - English
ب ڕێنووسەکە پوخت ل مەشینا گەڕیانا مەدە بگەهڕێ، ب ب پشتڕاستیڤە ئەنجامەکە باش بدەست خوەڤە دهینی!
هەڤپشکی کرن
Copy Link0
E-Mail0
Facebook0
LinkedIn0
Messenger0
Pinterest0
SMS0
Telegram0
Twitter0
Viber0
WhatsApp0
هەلسەنگاندنا بابەتی
نایاب
گەلەك باشە
ناڤنجی
خراب نینە
خراب
بو ناڤ لیستا کومکریا
ڕایا خو دەربارەی ڤی بابەی بنڤێسە!
گهوڕنکاریێن بابەتی!
Metadata
RSS
گووگلا وێنا بو بابەتێ هەلبژارتی!
گوگل دەربارەی بابەتێ هەلبژارتی!
کوردیی ناوەڕاست - Central Kurdish0
Kurmancî - Upper Kurdish (Latin)0
عربي - Arabic0
فارسی - Farsi0
Türkçe - Turkish0
עברית - Hebrew0
Deutsch - German0
Español - Spanish0
Français - French0
Italiano - Italian0
Nederlands - Dutch0
Svenska - Swedish0
Ελληνική - Greek0
Azərbaycanca - Azerbaijani0
Catalana - Catalana0
Čeština - Czech0
Esperanto - Esperanto0
Fins - Finnish0
Hrvatski - Croatian0
Lietuvių - Lithuanian0
Norsk - Norwegian0
Ozbek - Uzbek0
Polski - Polish0
Português - Portuguese0
Pусский - Russian0
Srpski - Serbian0
балгарская - Bulgarian0
қазақ - Kazakh0
Тоҷикӣ - Tajik0
Հայերեն - Armenian0
हिन्दी - Hindi0
ქართველი - Georgian0
中国的 - Chinese0
日本人 - Japanese0
Çiğdem Kılıçgün Uçar
Çiğdem Kılıçgün Uçar
DBP Co-Chair Çiğdem Kılıçgün Uçar said that the Kurdish issue cannot be addressed solely on the basis of security and requires steps to be taken in many areas, such as reforms, legal regulations, and legal recognition.
Following a call from Abdullah Öcalan, the Group for Peace and Democratic Society, a 30-member guerrilla force, destroyed their weapons in a ceremony held in Sulaymaniyah on July 11. Hundreds of intellectuals, human rights defenders, political party representatives, and journalists from Turkey, Kurdistan, and around the world attended the ceremony.

Democratic Regions Party (DBP) Co-Chair Çiğdem Kılıçgün Uçar, who also attended the weapon-burning ceremony by the Group for Peace and Democratic Society, spoke to ANF about the latest developments and the current process.

Uçar stated, July 11 was a historic milestone in terms of the democratic resolution of the Kurdish issue and the adoption of democratic politics as a method in the process that follows. This delegation resolutely represented the point reached by the Kurdish people's 50-year struggle.

Pointing to the steps that the state must take now, she said, “The task of the commission to be established in Parliament should not end with disarmament; its real task begins after that: the issue of how Kurdish identity will be legally defined.”


Could you share your impressions from the field, along with the main headlines that stood out during this historic ceremony?

July 11 was a historic milestone in terms of the democratic resolution of the Kurdish issue and the adoption of democratic politics as a method for the future. It was a very important meeting. The 30-member delegation, in a sense, brought 50 years of the Kurdish people's struggle for freedom to the march. This was one of the things the march symbolized. The person leading the delegation was Bese Hozat, Co-Chair of the KCK Executive Council. In other words, a woman led the march. This situation also expressed the value and importance of women in the Kurdistan Freedom Struggle and their place at the center of the struggle. In one hand, Hozat held symbols representing the struggle, while in the other hand, she held a text announcing the beginning of a new era and stating that this era should be defined as the “Construction of Peace and Democratic Society.” On the stage where the statement was made, there was a portrait of Kurdish People's Leader Mr. Öcalan in the background.

Neither was that table set up nor that statement prepared in a single day. The Kurdish people's struggle, values, and lost children were present at that table. Despite this fact, a process representing a new beginning was signaled. Besê Hozat made the first statement. She emphasized many important points. A kind of testimony was witnessed there in the presence of many people from different walks of life. There were many points that stood out in the statement. The first was the need to correctly understand this historic moment. This was not a formal statement; it was a meaningful and powerful call in essence. Correctly understanding this step would pave the way for subsequent strong steps. Hozat touched on some critical points at the end of her statement. She drew attention to new reforms and legal and constitutional regulations.

Following the statements, weapons were symbolically burned. As Hozat also stated in her interview, it is believed that weapons must no longer be seen as a method if lasting peace and democracy are to be built. This action was also a demonstration of that belief. After the destruction of the weapons, the delegation returned to their starting point, handing over the inventory they had prepared to the authorized committee established under the leadership of the Human Rights Association (İHD), the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TİHV), and the Association of Lawyers for Freedom (ÖHD). Everyone who participated in the ceremony experienced deep emotions. The mothers expressed their longing for their children and how they spent every day, dreaming of them. Perhaps a different kind of meeting had been imagined; however, at its core, this delegation resolutely represented the point reached by the Kurdish people's 50-year struggle. The statement was recorded as the most concrete step taken so far within the framework of the Peace and Democratic Society process. The statement called on the state, the government, social groups, and other political actors to take action. The emphasis on young people and women was particularly noteworthy. This shows that the greatest responsibility to build peace and a democratic society will fall on women and young people.

The Kurdish people's demand for peace and equality has constantly been criminalized under the label of “terrorism.” With the burning of weapons, the whole world saw once again how determined the Kurdish people are in their demand for peace. What are the important themes that have emerged among the population after these steps were taken?

As this process progressed, numerous legal obstacles and bureaucratic procedures arose. For example, it has been revealed that the video released on July 9 was actually filmed on June 19. From the very beginning, it was emphasized that a video call and a meeting of the Kurdish people with their own leader would accelerate the process. However, state officials adopted a legal approach that largely ignored the Kurds. The video was published, and Turkey did not get divided; on the contrary, the process accelerated further. The Kurdish people and peace-seeking circles regarded this step as a very significant development. It is also necessary to mention the statements made in the video. There are two main elements at the core of the Kurdish people's struggle: recognition of existence and freedom. Mr. Öcalan stated that the Kurdish existence has now been recognized and that the struggle should therefore not be continued with weapons. He emphasized that the focus should be on social peace and democratic politics, not on weapons. Mr. Öcalan's call corresponded with the statements made by the PKK, thereby refuting many of the accusations made in the public sphere. The Kurdish people have never accepted that their struggle be defined as terrorism. Although the state's definition is different, Mr. Öcalan's call and subsequent statements have clarified the goal under the heading “Peace and Democratic Society.” The group has also defined itself by this name. This naming, based on social acceptance and legitimacy, seems to have been the most widely accepted approach in the process.

KCK Co-Chair Besê Hozat emphasized in both her statement and subsequent interviews that the process would continue with the steps to be taken by the state. Erdoğan stated that a commission would be established and that a new era would begin. What are the most fundamental steps that the state must take?

Every step to be taken is of great importance for Turkey’s democracy. Until now, the state and the government have generally remained at the level of rhetoric. The president has made a clear statement for the first time regarding the establishment of a commission in parliament. It is difficult to evaluate this as it has not yet been put into practice, but it is an inevitable necessity. Parliament is the most important structure that can bring together pluralistic political dynamics. The disarmament process is a beginning, but a roadmap must be prepared for how those who lay down their arms will participate in democratic politics and social life. The Kurdish issue cannot be addressed solely on the basis of security. This is the point that society objects to the most. Resolving the Kurdish issue requires steps to be taken in many areas, such as reforms, legal regulations, and legal recognition. The commission's task should not end with disarmament; its real task begins after that: the issue of how Kurdish identity will be legally defined. These steps will pave the way for recognition not only for Kurds but for all faith and identity groups in the country. Mr. Öcalan's call should also be evaluated within this framework. Just like the President's call yesterday for freedom to the Turkish, Kurdish, Arab peoples, and all the peoples of the Middle East... This is both Öcalan's and the Peace and Democratic Society Group's call; it is a call of responsibility to all the peoples of Turkey and the Middle East.

The DEM Party and the DBP are also continuing their fieldwork and public meetings related to this process. How will you be working in the field in the coming period? Will your work be in line with the spirit of the process and spread to all areas?

The main purpose of public meetings is to convey the process to the public and gather suggestions from the people. This historic process should not be limited to meetings alone. The participation of social dynamics in the process is as important as the steps taken by the state. The people’s concerns persist about whether they can work together with the government to carry out this process. These concerns are understandable, but it is essential that society be a part of the process. In fact, society must be the strongest party in order to ensure the sustainability of the process. In Turkey, politics has kept society out of the process. However, Turks, Alevis, and other identity groups must also be included in the process. For this reason, it is of great importance to both inform the people about the process and to receive their suggestions at the level of the Parliament and commissions. Democracy should be a system based on equal rights and freedoms for everyone. Therefore, creating the conditions for participation in the process is the responsibility of all of us. Efforts are needed to put pressure on the state and government and to encourage the public. Peace and democracy processes are complementary phenomena. We must come together in a democratic society and democratic politics. Turkey is one of the countries where democratic politics is most limited. Perhaps this is why much more progress could have been made by now if it was the other way around. Workshops and conferences should be organized to build a democratic society. We must discuss how Turkey’s society views this process and agree on common methods. At the same time, the message of unity conveyed by Kurdish political forces is also very significant in this process.

Finally, is there anything else you would like to add?

We are at an extremely critical and historic juncture. Turkey has gone through many stages with different governments at different times in its quest for a democratic solution to the Kurdish issue. There is a consensus among society, political parties, and the state that this is the most important threshold we have witnessed so far... We must act with this awareness. We are also approaching this process with this awareness. Having come this far and taken such important steps, we believe that all segments of society must embrace this process with sincerity and commitment. For this reason, we invite everyone to become an active part of this process.[1]

کوردیپێدیا بەرپرس نییە ل ناڤەڕۆکا ئەڤێ تۆمارێ و خودیێ وێ ژێڕە بەرپرسیارە. کوردیپێدیا ب مەرەما ئەرشیڤکرنێ تۆمار کرییە.
ئەڤ بابەت ب زمانێ (English) هاتیە نڤیساندن، کلیک ل ئایکۆنا بکە ژ بو ڤەکرنا ڤی بابەتی ب وی زمانێ کو پێ هاتیە نڤیساندن!
This item has been written in (English) language, click on icon to open the item in the original language!
ئەڤ بابەتە 227 جار هاتیە دیتن
ڕایا خو دەربارەی ڤی بابەی بنڤێسە!
هاشتاگ
ژێدەر
[1] ماڵپەڕ | English | anfenglishmobile.com
بابەتێن پەیوەستکری: 2
زمانێ بابەتی: English
روژا تمام کرنێ: 14-07-2025 (1 سال)
باژێر و باژارۆک: ئامەد
جورێ وەشانێ: دیجیتاڵ
زمان - شێوەزار: ئینگلیزی
وڵات - هەرێم: باکووری کوردستان
کاتەگۆریا ناڤەڕۆکێ: رامیاری
کاتەگۆریا ناڤەڕۆکێ: دوزا کورد
کاتەگۆریا ناڤەڕۆکێ: دیمانە
تایبەتمەندی یێن تەکنیکی
کوالیتیا ڤی بابەتی: 99%
99%
ئەڤ بابەتە ژ لایێ: ( هەژار کامەلا ) ل: 15-07-2025 هاتیە تومارکرن
ئەڤ بابەتە ژ ئالێ: ( زریان سەرچناری ) ل : 16-07-2025 پێداچوون ژبوو هاتییە کرن و ڕەها بوویە
ئەڤ بابەتە بو دویماهیک جار ژ لایێ: ( زریان سەرچناری )ڤە: 15-07-2025 هاتیە ڕاست ڤەکرن
ناڤ و نیشانێن بابەتی
ئەڤ بابەتە ب ستانداردی کوردیپێدیا هێشتا نە دروستە و پێدڤی ب داڕشتنەکا بابەتی و زمانی هەیە!
ئەڤ بابەتە 227 جار هاتیە دیتن
QR Code
  بابەتێ نوی
  بابەت ب هەلکەفتێ 
  تایبەت ب ژنان 
  
  بەلاڤوکێن کوردیپێدیا 

Kurdipedia.org (2008 - 2026) version: 17.17
| پەیوەندی | CSS3 | HTML5

| دروستکرنا لاپەری 0.391 چرکە!