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A Transitional Justice Approach to Foreign Fighters
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LI BAŞÛR SÎSTEMA SEROKATIYÊ YA FEDERALÎ
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Mûrad Ciwan

Mûrad Ciwan
LI BAŞÛR SÎSTEMA SEROKATIYÊ YA FEDERALÎ
#Mûrad Ciwan#

Li Başûrê Kurdistanê ji mêj ve ye behsa serxwebûnê tê kirin, lê di gelek warên rêxweşkirinê de yên ber bi serbixweyiyê ve, yekrêzîya neteweyî nehatiye peydakirin. Yek ji wan waran jî zelalnebûna awayê sîstema siyasî ya Kurdistaneke serbixwe ye. Diyar e, ne bes ji bo serbixweyiyê, ji bo federalî an konfederaliyeke li gel İraqê jî pirsa lihevkirina li ser sîstemekê, ku ê bibe jêrxaneya dewleta Kurdistanê, erkeka neteweyî ye.
Li Başûrê Kurdistanê, ji bilî wan deverên ku KCKê dest danîye ser wan û ew radestî bin destê serweriya dewleta Kurdistanê nekirine, de facto, awayekî ji awayên ‘wesayetî’ya du îdareyî maye. Pişt re, bi rizgarkirina deverên Germiyan, Kerkûkê û Mûsilê ji destê DAEŞ’ê; ew deverên maddeya 140an a destûrê jî ketine bin destê hêzên Kurdistanî. Li van deveran Şingal bi hebûna tarîxî ya kurdên êzîdî xwedana taybetmendiyekê ye. Li van deran tirkman, ereb, suryanî-asûrî, keldanî hene. Şebek, kakeyî û civakên hûrûgir yên xwedan dîn û mezhebên din li ser erda dîrokî reşiyane, reh dane. Hebûna sunetî û şîetîyê, ya feyliyan, liberçavgirtinê ferz dikin. Civakên etnîkî û dînî yên cuda, li nav îdareya herêmê bi xwe xurt in. Kurdistan mozaîka etnîkî, dînî, mezhebî ya civakan e.
Ji bo vê rewşê, pirsa serxwebûnê neyê rojevê jî, lazim e sîstemeke îdarî ya lêhatî bê dîtin. Lê ku mesela serxwebûnê daket meydanê, divê pirs gelek ji mêj ve hatibe çareserkirin û paşeroja vê mozaîka binavkirî, di nav hidûdê dewleta Kurdistanê de baş hatibe zelalkirin. Heta zelalkirineke li gor daxwaz û hêviyên civakan ê riyê ji bo serxwebûnê pirtir veke, piştgiriyeka xurt a navneteweyî bîne.
Li gel vê rastiya hesas, hêzên siyasî yên Başûr li ser tu sîstemê li hev nekiriye. Hê xetertir, ji dîtin û bizavên wan, derdikeve ku serê civakê di vê meseleyê de ne zelal e. Ew, ne sîstemên îdarî têra xwe nas dike, ne taybetmendiyên xwe dizane da ya lêhatîtirîn ji bo xwe hilbijêre.
Di rewşekê de ku walî û encumenên bajaran bi hilbijartinan dibin desthilat, hin partiyên me, bi navê sîstema parlamenteriyê israr dikin ku serok ji bal parlamentoyê ve bê hilbijartin. Li alî din, hin partiyên me jî tevî ku walî, encumen û serok ji bal gel tên hilbijartin û ji nuha ve hukumet tevî serokwezîr û wezîrên xwe ji derveyê parlamentoyê tên tesbîtkirin jî, sîstema ku ew dixwazin wek ya parlamenteriyê binav dikin. Ne aheng di sîstema nuha ya Kurdistanê de heye, ne jî çawaniya sîsteman di serê partiyên me de zelal e. Li pişt deriyên daxistî çi amdekarî tên kirin, em nizanin, lê diyar e wek gelek pirsgirêkên din ev jî negihaştine qonaxa çareserbûnê.
Baweriya min ew e ku rewşa mozaîkî ya Kurdistanê, taybetmendiyên tarîxî yên civaka kurdewarîyê û rola pirrparçetiyê di paşeroja Kurdistanê de, sîstema serokatiyeke federal kiriye qedereke jêberînebûyî.
Em li tarîxa Kurdistanê binêrin; Kurdistan bi seranseriya xwe tu carî nebuye yek û di bin serweriya take îdareyeke navendî ya unîter de reng venedaye. Ev, di dema modern û kevn de, di perçekirina Kurdistanê de ji bal du an çar dewletên serdest jî, ji bal tarîxa civakên kurdewariyê bi xwe jî wiha ye. Kurdistan hem li alî Îranê, hem li alî Osmaniyan, bi ser hukumdarî, mîrekî, eyaletî û îdareyên eşîrî ve dabeşbuyî bûye. Mîrekiyên Botan, Bedlîsê, Egilê, Hezoyê, Şêrwan, Heskîfê, Hekariya, Behdînan, Soran, Baban, Ardelan, Loristan û wekî tir nimûne ne. Vê rewşê, hin taybetmendiyên dîrokî derxistine ku di xwe-îdarekirina deverî de bûye karakter ji civaka kurdan re. Ne sîstema navendiya unîter, lê ya federalî ji bo Kurdistanê lêhatiye.
Mozaîka Kurdistanê jî ferz dike ku sîstemên eyaletî, muxtariyetên deverî, kulturî-dînî-mezhebî ji bo hemû wan civakên etnîkî, dînî û mezhebi bên durustkirin. Her wekî devereke otonom a bi navê Êzîdxan hebe ku hemû deverên êzîdînişîn bigire nav xwe… yên din jî bi vî awayî…
Sîstema federalî a serokatiyê ê di paşerojê de, bi peydabûna derfetan re, lêhatîtir be ku xwe bi perçeyên Kurdistanê ên din ve entegre bike. Di mînaka Rojava de, ev dikare bibe yekbûneke konfederalî, li perçeyên din, bi peymanên du-sê alî ên avakirina bazarên serbest bibe entegrasyoneke aborî, civakî û kulturî li gel wan parçeyan û dewletên cîran. Dewleta ûnîter a navendî nikare bi wê elastîkiyeta sîstema federal vê entegrasyonê bi serxe.
Bi saya sîstema federalî a serokatiyê li Hewlerê, Silêmaniyê, Dihokê, Germiyan-Kekûkê û Mûsilê ê eyaletên xwedan hukumetên federe ava bibin ku ew bi xwe di warên jiyana rojane de deverên xwe birêvebibin, burokrasiya navendî nikaribe xwe tevî karên wan ên rojane bike. Li ser hemûyan jî hukumeteke federal a serokatiyê ê di meseleyên neteweyî ên giştî de û di warê navneteweyî de Kurdistanê birêvebibe.
Hukumeteke wiha bi saya serokekî hilbijartiyê gel ê li hember derva û cîranan gelek xurt be, parlamento ê partiyên mezin ên bihêz ên bi hilbijêran ve bestî derxe ku ê bikaribin ji yên sîstema parlamenteriyê bêtir xwe ji derstêwerdana doralî biparêzin.
[1]
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Ev babet bi zimana (Kurmancî - Kurdîy Serû) hatiye nvîsandin, klîk li aykona bike ji bu vekirina vî babetî bi vî zimana ku pî hatiye nvîsandin!
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[1] Website | Kurmancî - Kurdîy Serû | https://muradciwan.com/- 28-03-2024
Linked items: 7
Group: Articles
Articles language: Kurmancî - Kurdîy Serû
Publication date: 05-04-2017 (7 Year)
Content category: Politic
Content category: Articles & Interviews
Country - Province: South Kurdistan
Document Type: Original language
Language - Dialect: Kurdish - Kurmanji - Latin
Publication Type: Born-digital
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Item Quality: 99%
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Added by ( ئاراس حسۆ ) on 28-03-2024
This article has been reviewed and released by ( Sara Kamela ) on 28-03-2024
This item recently updated by ( Sara Kamela ) on: 28-03-2024
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