Researcher Sinaa Salah explains, for the CFRI, the tragic history of the Feylis Kurds, their culture, language and gradual integration into Iraqi society.
n a cold, rainy winter night in the early 1980s, Fatima, known as Um Abbas, left her house in the neighborhood of Jameela1 when she heard cries and wails coming from her family house — located next to her husband’s house. She saw Ba’athist soldiers forcibly removing all her Feyli family from her home. She was too confused to ask what was happening, fearing that the Ba’athists might take her along with them and deprive her of her husband and children, who held Iraqi citizenship. The family’s house was looted, and all their belongings, furniture, and valuables were stolen. She managed to save a photo of her father, which she took secretly when the perpetrators left. Throughout the subsequent years, she stared at her father’s picture, wondering about their fate after they were loaded onto trucks at the Iranian border.

The Crisis of Political Geography

Fatima and her family did not know that their tragedy was related to the crisis of political geography and the Ba’ath regime’s policy of ethnic purity, which made them and other minority groups scapegoats. The plight of the Feyli Kurds dates back to before the Ba’ath party’s success in seizing power in 1968, even before the establishment of modern Iraq in the 20th century.

The definition of geographical boundaries between the Ottoman Empire (which ruled Iraq) and Iran began in 1049 AH (1639 CE) during the time of Sultan Murad IV and Shah Safi Abbas I. However, the two parties did not reach a final agreement on the border delineation, as evidenced by the Treaty of Kasr-e Shirin and the Sehribil-Zahab agreement. Numerous treaties and protocols were signed between the two sides, spanning nearly three centuries. The agreement was finally ratified on 15 Rajab 1348 AH (1929 CE) without consulting the Feylis residing in the border regions2.

Even though many Bedouin tribes had summer and winter pastures on both sides of these borders, they were forced to change their migration routes3 — they either found alternative pastures or were forced to settle down. As a result, the regions inhabited by the Feyli Kurds, their land and the land of their fathers and ancestors, were divided into two parts: half of it being annexed to the Mosul province after the announcement of the new Iraqi state, and the other half being annexed to the Kingdom of Iran under the protocol previously mentioned.

Border Planning between Iraq and Iran

Before the birth of modern Iraq, Iranian-Ottoman relations represented a history of bloody wars between the two countries, often with Kurdistan as the theater for these armed conflicts, contributing to its backwardness and poverty. The border strip extending from the northeast of Halabja, Shalir, the regions of Zahab, Mandali, Badrah, Zurbatiyah, and even al-Qamit, among other areas adjacent to the Iranian provinces of Ilam and Kermanshah, was a subject of dispute and differences between the two neighboring states4.

Due to these regions, including other parts of Kurdistan in Iraq, being inhabited by Kurdish tribes and Feyli Kurds since ancient times, it was natural that when the borders were established after the foundation of the Iraqi state, Kurdish tribes would be divided according to their residing areas. Some clans remained within either the Iranian or Iraqi territories. Other clans were split between the two kingdoms. Among these clans were the Jaff, and Horamanis in the north of Kurdistan, along with Kalahur, Arkawazi, Boli, Zirkosh, Mulkhatawi, and Kurdliya in the south. Given that these tribes formed cohesive social units in terms of kinship and lineage, it was not surprising to see brothers and relatives divided in their allegiance to the two states, as happened to some Arab tribes like the Shammar5.

Poverty levels increased there, due to worsening economic conditions in Iran and the oppressive policies of regimes like that of Reza Khan Pahlavi, who imposed heavy taxes on the people living in Kurdish regions under his rule. This was in stark contrast to the thriving economic situation in Iraq during its monarchy. Consequently, the British government initiated various industrial projects in response to these challenges.

The Feyli Kurds decided to leave their native regions and migrate to neighboring border areas, including Khanaqin, Mandali, Zurbatiyah, and Kut. They did so primarily because they had relatives and acquaintances who could help them secure employment opportunities. These migrations occurred either individually or as entire families, dispersing to different regions, with a notable preference for Baghdad and other urban centers in Iraq. This voluntary migration was driven by the pursuit of employment opportunities.

The Feyli Narrative: a Tale of Forced Displacement and Identity Revocation

The Feylis narrative is centred around a distinctive pattern of oppression, stemming from their individual characteristics, collective affiliations, national ties and religious identity. Over time, this narrative has evolved into one of victimisation as successive regimes have oppressed them on the basis of these attributes. The Feyli Kurds, known for their physical strength, endurance, and outstanding work ethic, mainly worked as porters due to their ability to carry heavy loads. Wherever they worked, they were trusted and considered a source of security because their loyalty to their employers was unshakeable, having left their homes in search of work and sustenance. According to Salah Shamsheer, a Feyli journalist, a striking example of this narrative is recounted with the Deputy President of the Saddam Hussein regime, Izzat al-Douri, in the early 1980s. At that time, al-Douri aimed to move large, heavy iron gates within his palace from one location to another. He ordered the recruitment of workers exclusively from the Feyli Kurds and entrusted them with this task, knowing their exceptional strength and reliability. The Feyli Kurds persevered and worked diligently until they established themselves independently.

In the 1950s, however, with the displacement of the Jews, the Feyli Kurds began to occupy economic and commercial centers in Baghdad’s markets, especially the large Shorja commercial market, and in other cities. They even owned a portion of the shipping industry (Lenjat) in Basra. In the 1960s and 1970s, they became known for trading in grains, tea, sugar and dates, and played a significant role in the fruit and vegetable trade in Alawi. Additionally, they were involved in the trade of wood and iron in the Sheikh Omar region. Many of them were wholesale and retail fabric traders, as well as participating in heavy and light industrial projects. Some Arab traders of good names and reputations collaborated with them. In the 1950s, the Feyli Kurds of Baghdad began to establish economic influence, becoming a significant economic and financial presence in the Iraqi market, and integrating into the Baghdadi society.
Shorja market, Baghdad, March 2023

Perhaps this early economic influence alarmed the Ba’athist regime. The Ba’ath government adopted forced displacement mechanisms as part of a plan to Arabize the border areas adjacent to the Iranian side, such as Khanaqin and Mandali, which were inhabited by Feyli Kurds. In the early 1970s, they began to deport families from their homes and lands, transferring all employees of the Wand refinery and teachers from Khanaqin to central, southern, and western provinces of Iraq, such as Maysan, Nasiriyah, and Anbar.

As for the Mandali Kurds and Feyli Kurds who integrated with the Mandali Kurdish clans and adopted the Mandali tribal identity, they were displaced by force in large trucks and in poor conditions. They were initially moved to the barren area in the southern part of Baldruz district to work on a mandatory water project. Their situation was dire and miserable, reminiscent of Nazi labor camps for Jews and other groups. Before other groups were subjected to similar treatment, they escaped their detention locations to Baghdad, with a majority heading to Muqdadiyah and Diyala.

These areas were considered opposition strongholds against the Ba’ath party and its regime at that time. Land belonging to the Feyli Kurds in the cities of Zurbatiyah, Badrah, Jassan, and Ali al-Gharbi was confiscated.

The forced displacement6 of the Feyli Kurds continued until the early 1980s, as ordered by Saddam Hussein’s regime during the Iran-Iraq war. This directive was set out in a letter from the Secretary of the central office of the Ba’ath organisations at the time, Mazban Khader Hadi. The letter stated the aim to Arabize the region by transferring villages adjacent to the Iranian border and welcoming Arab tribes known for their loyalty to the party and the revolution. This policy involved the distribution of land that had been confiscated from its original owners by the 5 November 1981 Revolutionary Command Council Resolution No. 617. The regime implemented these measures out of fear that the former owners would return and reclaim their property and orchards.

Forced displacement campaigns began in the early 1970s and continued in stages until the mid-1980s. The government did not stop at displacing but also confiscated their properties, revoked their Iraqi nationality, confiscated their documents and rights, and detained their young men and men aged 16 to 40 years old. Approximately 20,000 young men were arrested and subjected to various forms of brutal violence. Many of them were killed. Some disappeared without a trace, and their bodies have not been found to this day, but their names are recorded on lists of individuals who were captured. Some were arrested in their homes, others were taken from their schools, colleges and universities. Some were seized from the Iraqi army, where they were serving like all other Iraqis. They were detained without trial and subjected to chemical experiments. Some of them were used as human shields on the Iraq-Iran border, while others were thrown into human meat grinders to eliminate any remnants.
Iraqi Kurdish Feylis, archive, undated photo

Mehdi Abbas, a member of the Arkawazi tribe, talks about his experience of displacement, explaining that it began with his aunts and uncles in the 1980s. He was detained with his brother because their nationalities were marked as Iranian in the Naqra Salman prison along with Feyli Kurdish youths. Approximately 2,500 of them were executed, while survivors, numbering around 480, were called the Surviving group and he was one of them. Arkan Shihab Ahmad al-Majbargi, the grandson of the well-known Ahmad al-Majbargi from the Bab al-Sheikh region, was also detained in Naqra.

In 1982, Salman was spared execution. He recounted: “We were a group of 11 people who boarded a bus, while many others were taken in different buses to a place that only God knows. We haven’t heard from them since”. Unfortunately, his uncle, Malik Ahmad al-Majbargi, who was the Director General of the Ministry of Commerce at the time, was not so lucky and was executed in 1979. Malik’s friends, including Jamal al-Khayat and Fadel Kasl, suffered the same fate. They were targeted because of their affiliation with the Communist Party and their opposition to the Ba’athist regime. Mehdi Abbas revealed that when the families of those detained visited their imprisoned sons, they faced humiliation, physical abuse, harassment of women and other degrading treatments. Um Husayni, a woman who spoke about her relatives and their forced displacement, described the tragedy they endured on the border between Iraq and Iran. The regime’s henchmen cruelly abandoned them without access to food, water or basic human needs. Her words were filled with bitterness and sadness, and she often repeated the phrase: “Our men fought, and our women were forcibly displaced”. This phrase drew on Shia history and the symbol of sacrifice embodied in the tragedy of Imam Hussein, symbolising the strength of Shia identity. She added that many men were killed or forcibly displaced, while women and children, particularly if the woman was of Iraqi nationality and Arab origin, were left behind. Some women were forced to divorce their husbands. All these events contributed to the fragmentation of the social fabric of the Feyli Kurds, as families and individuals were dispersed to various European countries, Iran and Iraq. After the U.S. invasion of Iraq, successive Iraqi governments began to address the situation of the Feyli Kurds. In 2006, Law No. 26 was enacted to address the problems faced by those whose Iraqi nationality had been revoked and who had lost their identity. The law aimed to freeze their restrictions, and many of them had been deprived of documentary evidence, leaving them with no means of proving their identity.

However, the law still faces significant challenges. For example, the activist Talib Nouruz mentioned in an interview on 10 April 2023, that many problems related to the revocation of their nationality have not been resolved yet. Currently, many of them are located on the borders of Iranian territory in camps such as Azna and Jahrom. Forty-three years have passed since their displacement, and they have not regained their nationality. The Iranian government has avoided integrating them as Iranians, leaving them in limbo between the Iraqi and Iranian officials. Seventy-three families possess a single documentary proof, known as the “White Card”, which must be handed over to the Iraqi government if they wish to cross the borders to return to Iraq. This results in them being unable to return to Iran if they face difficulties in Iraq, their country of origin.

Additionally, based on the Iraqi Criminal Court’s recognition of what the Feyli Kurds endured as a genocide, Resolution 426 was issued on 29 November 2009. It aimed to remove all the damages inflicted on them during the genocide. However, this resolution has not been fully implemented to restore their rights.

Some positive discrimination decisions were also issued, such as the Ministry of Higher Education Resolution (No. 10316) on 29 April 2012. It was based on the General Secretariat of the Council of Ministers’ decision to allocate seats for postgraduate studies and fellowships, with a special quota for Feyli Kurds, exempting them from age and grade requirements. However, this resolution has not been fully implemented either up to the present time.

It was also difficult to apply Law 35 of 2016 concerning political prisoners due to the exclusion of political prisoners from the provisions of this law, as they were detained for periods ranging from one year to ten years without receiving a verdict from a judge. Since most political prisoners remained outside the country, many of them became disinterested in reviewing their cases with the specialized authorities due to the lengthy bureaucratic procedures involved.

Law 13 of 2010, concerning property rights, guarantees the rights of citizens whose properties were confiscated or seized unlawfully, including properties seized for political, ethnic, religious, or sectarian reasons. However, only about 20% of those who were entitled to compensation under this law have received indemnity. Similarly, Law 16 of 2010 — aimed at compensating those affected by the confiscation of their movable and immovable properties by the previous regime — has not been effectively implemented despite numerous appeals from the affected individuals.

Article 140 of the Constitution deals with disputed territories between the region and the central government, particularly Kirkuk, Nineveh, and Salah al-Din, which underwent demographic changes and Arabization policies under the previous regime from 1968 until its overthrow during the U.S. invasion in April 2003. Due to multiple technical and political complexities, especially in Kirkuk, Article 140 of the Iraqi constitution has not been implemented by successive governments, leading to continuous debate among various parties. Some returning Feyli families in 2006 faced armed attacks by Arabs who had settled in their areas, resulting in casualties and preventing many of them from returning to their land.

The cultural and complex identity of the Feyli Kurds

The Feyli Kurds possess a unique culture and identity that exists within the rich tapestry of religious and ethnic diversity in Iraq. They share ethnic ties with the Kurdish community and religious affiliations with Arab Shia, often referred to as Kurdish Shia. However, they maintain their distinct customs, traditions, and heritage, which help define the boundaries of their cultural identity. This complex identity plays a pivotal role in their sense of belonging, navigating between their Kurdish national affiliation and their Shia religious identity.

From a linguistic perspective, the term ‘Feyli’ is generally understood by most Iraqi linguists to encompass all speakers of Luri Kurdish, particularly the Luri dialect7. Some linguists may refer to this dialect as ‘Kurdish Kermanshahi’ or its sub-dialects, which include Kulhariya, Likriya, and the original Luri dialect found in the Poshtuk8 regions of Iran9, such as Ilam and Kermanshah. This term ‘Lur Feyli’ has been mentioned in the works of Danish orientalist S.G. Welberk and Professor Jan Ruff Karthuit10.

In the context of Iraq, the term ‘Feyli’ is used to describe all Kurds residing in the hot and plain regions of the country, with historical roots that date back to ancient times. These areas are collectively known as ‘Karmania’, which translates to the hot regions of Kurdistan. It’s important to note that Feyli Kurds may not originally hail from the Soran region or Kurdish Iraq. The term ‘Feyli’ is also applied to Kurds living in the border regions adjacent to Iran across three Iraqi provinces: Diyala (formerly Baquba province), Wasit (formerly Kut province), and Maysan (formerly Amara province). These regions are home to various Feyli populations, including places like Badra, Zurbatiya, Jassan, Nahiyat al-Jabal, Hnjeera, Bakasiya, Sheikh Saad, Al-Hay, Al-Nu’maniya, and even within the city of Amara11.
Iraq-Iran border in Diyala province, July 2020

The term ‘Feyli’, in its general and idiomatic sense, encompasses all Kurdish tribes residing in the southern extensions of Kurdistan on the Iranian side, primarily referred to as Lurestan. This region also includes Ilam and Kermanshah, which have been divided into the provinces of Elam, Lurestan, and the vicinity of Mahal, Shahr Kord. On the Iraqi side, these areas are indicated as well. It’s noteworthy that the absence of a province or region named Lurestan in Iraq has contributed to the emergence of the term ‘Feyli’ while the word ‘Luri’ has become less common except within the context mentioned.

Referring to the population as ‘Feyli’ in a comprehensive sense, and considering ‘Lur’ as a specific term used in Iraq, aligns scientifically with historical facts. The ancient term ‘Feyli’ or ‘Bailey’ can be traced back to the title ‘Pahlavi’, which has been associated with the Kurdish people since the Middle Ages, during the Sassanid era. This historical connection continued through the Islamic expansion, including the time of the Messenger (peace be upon him), the Rightly Guided Caliphs, and the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties12.

In summary, the Feyli Kurds are residents of the far south of Kurdistan, specifically in the Peshtko13 and Pishko regions of Iran, as well as the regions of the eastern Tigris, central, and southern Iraq. Consequently, the Feyli Kurds are considered an ethnic group with a dual identity, embodying both a Kurdish national character and adherence to the Islamic Shiite sect, which forms a distinctive part of their identity. This unique identity sets them apart from other ethnicities and components in Iraq, making them an essential part of the Kurdish people. The Feyli Kurds comprise numerous clans, each with its own ethnic, cultural, and social characteristics while maintaining connections with other Iraqi clans to the present day.

The cultural perspective of Feyli identity’s specificities

The cultural perspective of the Feyli Kurds includes all the characteristics and cultural elements that distinguish them and have their specificity in defining the Feyli Kurdish identity. The Feyli Kurds are distinguished by a popular heritage rich in poetry, art, proverbs, chants, hymns, games, popular foods, etc.

Language:

Language serves as a vessel for transmitting culture, ideas, and heritage while expressing one’s identity. It’s a system of verbal and non-verbal symbols that facilitates understanding and communication among individuals, setting each person apart within a society due to their unique linguistic identity.

In the world of languages, there exists a hierarchy of dialects, with dialects being further divided into sub-dialects, and these, in turn, may have quasi-dialects. This division arises from geographical, ecological, and communicative factors. For instance, the Arabic language shares a common origin, yet each Arab country possesses a distinctive dialect that sets it apart. The Iraqi dialect, for example, differs from other Arabic dialects, and even within Iraq, the dialect varies between different governorates and regions. Similarly, the Kurdish language, despite its dialectical diversity, has a single origin, a consensus among linguists. There is consistency in phonetic similarities and grammatical structures among these dialects, signifying a shared linguistic heritage.

While the Kurdish language boasts multiple dialects, it adheres to a unified alphabet. This alphabet differs from the Arabic script, primarily due to variations in the form and pronunciation of some letters.

Feyli Kurds possess a unique dialect among the diverse Kurdish dialects. The Feyli dialect traces its roots to the Luri dialect within the broader classification of the Kurdish language. What distinguishes the Feyli Kurds is their use of a coded language when they wish to communicate without others understanding. This secretive language is intricate and not rooted in any known linguistic structure. It was learned and passed down among the community members through generations as they resided in their ancestral areas. Not everyone masters this coded language, and it tends to be limited to the elderly. The coded language relies on specific patterns and does not conform to conventional linguistic principles; instead, it is acquired through continuous practice. These coded languages have largely faded away but remain a part of the cultural heritage that distinguishes the Feyli Kurds as an ethnic group.

As mentioned earlier, the Feyli, Mandalawi, and Khanaqin Kurdish dialects serve as a shared cultural and personal identity, expressing their unique heritage and identity. Despite the influence of social and cultural interactions that led to some dispersion between the Kurdish and Arabic languages, these dialects persist within their communities, albeit on a smaller scale. This situation poses a potential threat to the preservation of linguistic distinctions from within their communities unless measures are taken to address it.

The continued use of these dialects underscores the importance of their identity as Feyli Kurds, which holds significance not just in terms of their Kurdish nationality but also as an expression of their distinct ethnic identity. This distinction reflects their cultural heritage and the preservation of their unique linguistic features, which are integral to their identity as a distinct ethnic group within the broader Kurdish community.

The Feyli Folklore:

Al-Hura14

Kurdish folklore is a rich tapestry of artistic expression, with its roots deeply intertwined with the land’s natural beauty, encompassing its lush waters, majestic mountains, and verdant meadows. This captivating natural backdrop has been a profound source of inspiration for poets and artists. Among the ancient and authentic forms of Kurdish folklore is “al-Hura”, a unique art form traditionally sung by men.

What sets al-Hura apart is its distinctive structure, which doesn’t rely on rhyme and meter but rather reflects the singer’s personal taste and psychological and social experiences. It is a versatile form of expression that encapsulates both moments of joy and emotions of pain, sorrow, and separation. Al-Hura delves into specific life events and experiences, allowing the vocalist to convey their feelings through a melodic narrative. The singer exercises creative control over their voice, modulating it by raising or lowering it to match the length or brevity of the poetic phrases. Furthermore, the singer often improvises and enhances the poetry with additional verses, incorporating the names of individuals who hold special significance to them, such as a beloved or a departed loved one, into the sung verses of al-Hura.

Understanding al-Hura and its lyrics can be challenging, especially for those not deeply rooted in the same cultural context. Even some within the same culture may find it difficult to grasp its nuances. Al-Hura is often described as a poignant form of folk poetry that uniquely captures the social and psychological states of Kurdish men, providing them with an outlet for self-expression.

This art form covers a wide range of themes, including themes of courtship, separation, wartime experiences, and calls for peace. Its delivery requires great skill in recitation, making it a truly remarkable and culturally significant form of expression within the Kurdish folklore tradition.

Lawa Lawa 15

The “Lawa Lawa” is a cherished and authentic form of Feyli Kurdish folklore, reflecting the deep cultural roots of the community. It is especially associated with Feyli mothers who sing these hymns to their children, often when putting them to sleep. These hymns carry profound meanings and convey a heartfelt human and social message. They encapsulate a mother’s hopes and aspirations for her children, sometimes sung with a melancholic melody and at other times with a joyful tune, aligning with the content of the poetic verses.

Through the “Lawa Lawa”, the deep love and affection of Feyli mothers for their children, particularly their sons, are unmistakably expressed. These mothers wish for their children to grow up, get married, and attain success and prosperity, often envisioning them as future masters or sultans. It’s a reflection of the high regard and nurturing provided to children, a sentiment shared by Kurds in general and notably emphasized among the Feyli Kurds. Mothers are known to make great sacrifices, dedicating themselves and their resources to the well-being and happiness of their children.

Similarly, Arab mothers also have their melodious hymns, known as “Dalloul”, which they sing to their children. These hymns share cultural and social purposes with the Feyli mother’s “Lawa Lawa”. They often carry a similar melancholic tone, highlighting the cultural similarities between these two communities. This cultural commonality is further underscored by the similarity in the names of these two forms of lullabies, “Lawa Lawa” and “Dalloul”.

The Names of Individuals in the Kurdish Feyli Society

Claude Levi-Strauss explores the significance of names, highlighting that some people are not just named, but they become the embodiment of their names. This concept encompasses both the giver of the name and the bearer, with the name carrying a lifelong message that often provides insights into the circumstances of a person’s birth. However, names can serve various functions, some individual, others religious or protective. Some names aim to influence a child’s destiny positively16 or ward off misfortune, acting as a safeguard and conveying a particular message17.

Names hold a defining role for individuals, serving as a means to distinguish them from others or signaling their belonging to specific social or ethnic groups. Names can also signify social status or fit into social classifications and categories. A person may be given a specific name by their father, mother, or another person either before or at the time of their birth. In the Kurdish Feyli culture, popular names have historically been used to establish distinctive identities. These names often carry cultural symbols, with many representing attributes like strength and courage, frequently symbolized by names related to lions, such as “Sher Dil”, meaning Lion Heart.

Other names convey high status and prestige, as seen with “Dara”, signifying ownership or wealth. Some names draw inspiration from nature’s beauty, like “Kolstan”, meaning garden rose, while others represent good fortune, like “Qadam Khair”, which translates to the bringer of good luck. These names were prevalent in the past and were closely associated with the older generations born in Feyli areas and neighboring Iraqi border regions such as Kordi Mendili, Khanqin, Badrah, and others. However, as these individuals migrated to Baghdad and integrated into Baghdadi society, their distinctive names gradually faded, giving way to ancestral names. In contemporary times, many have adopted Arabic names, especially those of prophets and the twelve Imams, including names like Muhammad, Ibrahim, Isma’il, Ali, Hasan, Hussein, Abbas, Fatimah, Zainab, and Zuhra, among others. These names reflect both their religious affiliation and their integration into Baghdad’s society, particularly in areas with a Shia majority population. Consequently, their distinctiveness through names has diminished, and specific boundaries associated with their names have largely disappeared.

Holidays, Religious and National Celebrations of the Feyli Kurds

Feyli Kurds, like other sects and communities in Iraq, enthusiastically celebrate Islamic holidays as well as national holidays. The term ‘Eid’ (holiday) is thought to originate from the tradition of coming together on a specific day, as it recurs annually with fresh joy18. Feyli Kurds join in the celebration of their national holiday, ‘Nowruz’, alongside their fellow Kurds19 in Kurdistan. However, they observe it in a unique manner distinct from other communities. Some of the most significant holidays celebrated by Feyli Kurds include:

Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha

Feyli Kurds wholeheartedly celebrate both Islamic holidays, and their preparations are akin to those of other sects and communities in Iraq. These preparations involve cleaning their homes, purchasing new clothes, especially for children, and preparing special dishes such as “Kleicha” and various pastries. On the morning of the Eid, determined by their religious authority, they come together to perform the Eid prayer, either collectively at Husseiniyas (Shi’a community centers) or, when that’s not feasible, in their homes with their family members. In the past, they used to perform this prayer at the shrine of Imam Musa ibn Ja’far, the seventh Shia Imam from the lineage of Prophet Muhammad. However, due to security concerns and traffic congestion, visiting the shrine, located in the Kadhimiya area and protected by concrete barriers, has become less common. As a result, they usually perform their prayers at home. Subsequently, they visit relatives and neighbors to exchange holiday greetings and well-wishes. If someone in their family has recently passed away, they offer condolences to the deceased’s family. Following the exchange of holiday greetings, they begin giving “Eidiyah”, a monetary gift, to children based on their financial means. Some families opt to go to parks and public gardens to celebrate the holiday. One of the traditions followed by Feyli Kurds during Eid is the collection and distribution of “Zakat al-Fitr”20 which they provide to families in need both within and outside their community. This practice fosters social unity and strengthens family bonds.

On Eid al-Adha, Feyli Kurds adhere to the Sunnah (traditions of Prophet Muhammad) and Ja’fari Shia sect guidelines when making sacrifices. These sacrifices usually occur on the second day of Eid, while the first day is reserved for specific rituals. Typically, they sacrifice a bull for men and a cow for women21 when the deceased is a relative, as previously mentioned. If they are facing financial constraints, they may opt for a ram for men and an eye for women. The tradition is to continue these sacrifices for seven years to fulfill the rights of the deceased, even if their financial situation is not robust. This tradition is deeply rooted in their belief in the afterlife and its influence on their lives. They hold that they maintain a connection with their departed loved ones, particularly when encountering them in their dreams. How they perceive these dreams — whether as sources of joy or fear — determines their interpretation. These customs differ from those of Arabs, who traditionally perform a single sacrifice.

Eid al-Ghadeer and Sha’ban celebrations

Feyli Kurds celebrate Eid al-Ghadeer, an important holiday observed by Shia Muslims to commemorate the appointment of Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib as the successor of Prophet Muhammad. During this celebration, they engage in the tradition of distributing sweets, chocolates, and juices. Many Feyli Kurds also embark on journeys to Najaf, where the shrine of Imam Ali is situated, to pay visits and partake in the festivities. Imam Ali holds a significant position as the first Imam for Shia Muslims.

Regarding Sha’ban celebrations, Shia Muslims, including Feyli Kurds, observe this holiday to mark the birth of the twelfth Shia Imam, Imam al-Mahdi, who is believed to be in occultation and is expected to reappear in the future to establish justice and truth. The date associated with his birth in their belief is the 15th of Sha’ban. On this occasion, many of them visit the shrines of the Imams in Kadhimiyah and Karbala. They participate in the custom of distributing sweets and juices from their homes, as well as in the streets and shops, underscoring their social interactions with fellow Shia Muslim Arabs. This practice highlights their integration into Baghdad’s society and their deep commitment to the Shia faith, influencing their social behavior.

Newroz Festival22

Newroz is a significant national holiday celebrated by Kurds across the board, symbolizing the arrival of a new day and the celebration of nature’s beauty as spring unfolds with its vibrant flowers. Additionally, it commemorates the legendary Kurdish hero23, Kawa the Blacksmith, who, according to Kurdish folklore, defeated a tyrant ruler using fire and iron.

Feyli Kurds, like their fellow Kurds, wholeheartedly celebrate Newroz with joy and enthusiasm. Many families from Baghdad embark on journeys to their ancestral regions, particularly Khanaqin and Mandali, which have undergone significant changes and development since 2004. During their visits, they reunite with relatives and friends who warmly welcome them into their homes. Alternatively, some Feyli Kurds travel to the Kurdistan region of Iraq to partake in the national festivities. On this occasion, they don new clothes and colorful Kurdish folk attire, particularly for women and children, reflecting the vibrant hues of nature. They venture into the mountains, verdant meadows, and breathtaking landscapes, as Newroz signifies the arrival of spring, bringing pleasant and mild weather. The celebration entails Kurdish dances, such as Dabke, accompanied by the melodies of Kurdish music, particularly Saz Dahol24. Families bring traditional dishes like dolma and grilled delicacies to share, culminating the day with happiness and merriment.

Feyli Kurds, however, observe Newroz in a distinct manner that sets them apart from other Kurdish communities. They journey from Baghdad to Najaf al-Ashraf to visit the shrine of Imam Ali and the graves of their deceased relatives, seeking guidance or insights about the upcoming year. Nevertheless, their Newroz celebration is not characterized by the same level of festivity and joy that is commonly seen in the rest of Kurdistan, including Khanaqin and Mandali. This divergence highlights the inclination of Feyli Kurds toward observing Newroz through a Shia religious lens, despite it being a national holiday celebrated by all Kurds. Their visits to the shrine of Imam Ali and the graves of their departed loved ones underscore their deep religious attachment. This religious inclination during Newroz can be attributed to various aspects, as follows:

- On the authority of Imam al-Sadiq Jaafar bin Muhammad, he said: “When Newroz comes, take a bath, put on your cleanest clothes, and perfume yourself with the best perfume you can, and on that day you will be fasting. The source of religion and the universe is one, and it is God Almighty. He is the One who has subjected the entire universe to a responsive system, because religion is in harmony with the reality of man and the universe. Imam al-Nayrouz said, “It is a universal reality and it is constant”.”

- On the authority of Maalla bin Khanis25, he said: “I entered upon Imam Al-Sadiq and it was Newroz. He asked, “Do you know this day?”, I responded, “May I be made your ransom, and this is the day the Persians were glorified and forbidden.” Then the Imam said: “And the ancient house in Mecca is nothing but an old matter that was explained in Wadi al-Jinn to take the pledge of allegiance from them to him, and it is the day on which the second pledge of allegiance was given to the Commander of the Faithful, Ali, and it is the day that the Commander of the Faithful defeated the people of Al-Nahrawan”.”

- The author of the book says: “I found a piece of news that I liked to mention. Abu Rayhan Al-Biruni said: “Some of the Hashawiyya said: “When the Prophet of Suleiman bin David lost his ring and his kingdom was gone, then it was returned to him after forty days, his splendor returned to him, kings came to him, and birds flocked to him, so they said “Efres Newroz Amed”. In Arabic, it means the new day has come, so it is called Newroz”.”

- Imam Al-Sadiq26 (peace be upon him) said: “It is the day on which our Qa’im and those in charge appear, and it is the day on which our Qa’im defeats the Antichrist and crucifies him on the throne of Kufa. There is no day of Newroz without us expecting relief because it is one of our days and the days of our Shiites. The Shiites preserved it and you lost it. And Imam Al-Sadiq said: “ “We expect relief” means the emergence of the state of truth and the disappearance of falsehood, and that will not be yours until you understand it”. I answered: “Oh, my lord, to learn here from you is dearer to me than for my dead to live and my enemies to die”. He said: “O Ali, the day of Newroz is the day on which God took the covenants of His servants. They worship Him, and do not associate anything with Him, and believe in His Messengers and His proofs, and believe in the Imams”.”

- It was the first day on which the sun rose and the winds blew and created the flower of the earth.

- It is the day that Noah’s Ark rested on Mount Judi.

- It is said that Imam Ali bin Abi Talib was appointed on this day as Caliph over the Muslims27. On this day, the Messenger of God (may God bless him and grant him peace) placed Ali on his honorable shoulder until he threw the idols from the Sacred House and smashed them28.

- In addition, Newroz is considered, from an astronomical perspective, the first day of the new solar year. It is the blessed day on which night and day are equal29.

Thus, it is clear that the Feyli Kurds celebrate all religious and national holidays in a way that is closer to religion and sect than to nationalism, which strengthens the sectarian aspect over the national aspect, unlike the Mandalawians and Khanaqis, most of whom celebrate the national holiday of Newroz with the general Kurds with manifestations of joy and happiness, and the interaction and integration of the Feyli with Muslim Arabs also appears on this holiday.

Partisan Affiliations and Political Representations of the Feyli Kurds

The complex identity of the Feyli Kurds has led to a dispersion of their political affiliations. Similar to other minority groups, they have sought alignment with leftist movements to better express their national aspirations, moving away from being perceived as a suspicious minority. This was particularly pronounced during the rule of the Arab nationalist regime in Iraq from 1963 to 2003. Due to their Kurdish ethnicity, some Feyli Kurds joined Kurdish parties such as the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. Moreover, due to their Shia religious affiliation, others became members of Islamic political parties like the Islamic Dawa Party, the Badr Organization, and the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, among others30.

This diversity in the political preferences of Feyli Kurds reflects their alignment with various political ideologies, encompassing secularism, Islamism, and nationalism. Initially, some Feyli Kurds leaned towards Kurdish parties, notably the Kurdistan Democratic Party founded by Mustafa Barzani in 1946, followed by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan in 1975 under the leadership of Jalal Talabani. Over time, these parties received substantial support and financial backing from Feyli Kurds, particularly from their skilled traders.

The political landscape for Feyli Kurds began to shift due to forced displacements, especially to Iran, which strengthened their Shia religious affiliations with parties like the Islamic Dawa Party and the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, among others. Furthermore, after the fall of the previous regime and the return of many Feyli families, political affiliations became more apparent. Some individuals, previously members of Kurdish parties, shifted their allegiance to Shia Islamic parties. This change was partly due to the influence of these Shia parties in Iraq’s governance and the perception among Feyli Kurds that they were considered minorities by the mainstream Kurdish parties.

A political framework for Feyli Kurds was established in the form of the National General Conference of Feyli Kurds in 2010 to enhance their political participation. It was managed by Feyli personalities affiliated with various political currents, with the Shia religious aspect often prevailing over the nationalist aspect. Nevertheless, the Feyli political scene remains fragmented among multiple party affiliations, weakening their political influence despite their significant presence in Iraqi social and political life.

While some Feyli individuals held ministerial and parliamentary positions during the governments of Iyad Allawi and Ibrahim al-Jaafari, in the subsequent government led by Prime Minister Muhammad Shia al-Sudani, the most notable Feyli figure was Mohsen Ali Akbar al-Mandali, who became the First Deputy Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament in 2022 through an independent electoral list.

In conclusion, Feyli Kurds’ political affiliations are shaped by their interests, party ideologies, and the prevailing circumstances in Iraq. Whether they succeed in elections or not, their representation in various political roles does not always translate into effective fulfillment of their demands, a common experience for most minority groups in Iraq31.

Conclusion

Feyli Kurds grapple with a complex identity that intricately weaves together their Kurdish national identity and their Shia religious affiliation. This religious identity has become increasingly dominant since the fall of the previous regime in 2003, often overshadowing their nationalist sentiments, even in their daily lives and during significant occasions, particularly among the younger generation.

A prime illustration of this transformation is the voluntary participation of Feyli Kurds in response to a religious decree issued by the eminent religious authority in Najaf, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. This decree called for countering terrorism and organizing against ISIS. Many Feyli Kurds joined the Popular Mobilization Forces (Hashd al-Shaabi), with some even traveling to Syria to protect Shia holy sites, including the shrine of Lady Zainab, the daughter of the first Imam in Shia Islam, and other revered shrines and locations. This intricate identity exposes them to potential national and religious discrimination, leaving them with a sense of vulnerability and inequity in their interactions with others. Additionally, their political participation has been hampered by fragmentation among different parties with conflicting orientations following the U.S. invasion in Iraq.

Regarding their remaining cultural distinctiveness, including their dialect, folk heritage, customs, and traditions, it has gradually eroded primarily due to cultural and social interactions with Arabs and other components of Iraqi society over time.

In summary, Feyli Kurds navigate a multifaceted identity that intertwines Kurdish nationalism and Shia religious affiliation. While their religious identity has taken precedence, their unique cultural attributes have gradually diminished in the face of cultural and social influences from the broader Iraqi society.

To cite this article : Sinaa Salah, The Feyli Kurds in Iraq: A Geopolitical Crisis with Complex Identity Consequences, Centre français de recherche sur l'Irak, (CFRI), 01/12/2023, https://cfri-irak.com/en/article/the-feyli-kurds-in-iraq-a-geopolitical-crisis-with-complex-identity-consequences-2023-12-01 [Online][1]