Ibrahim Khalil
As the proclamation of the autonomous administration in November 2013, the social structure of NES was composed of a numerous segment (religiously, nationally, partisan, class) Therefore, it was natural that the positions of this administration varied according to whether they met the interests of each of those groups or stood against them. The variation of these attitudes is not only the nature of the eternal relationship between rulers and the ruled, but also the nature of things themselves. On the one hand, this difference reflects the multiplicity of political visions for a common project. On the other hand, the complexity of reaching a comprehensive vision of conflicting civil groups in a relatively small geographical area is compounded. Which may lead to the emergence of broken projects for each other Very simply, these categories can be divided into:

- Supporters of the Autonomous Administration: Those who saw the establishment of the administration as an embodiment of the dream of the only theoretician of the ideas of the Democratic Union Party, Abdullah Ocalan. And an experience similar to the experience of announcing a government in exile after the inability of the mother party to establish any form of self-administration in its areas of origin and its main field of struggle, I mean Turkey's Kurdistan, especially after the severe blow it received after the arrest of Ocalan, which left the party in a state of confusion.
- Supporters of the classical Kurdish nationalist movement: which has been active in “Syrian Kurdistan” for more than eight decades and is struggling almost exclusively to preserve the minimum existence without achieving the minimum cultural rights, which are at the top of its list of historical demands for many subjective and objective reasons that cannot be elaborated.
- The Arabic component: which was divided into opponents and loyalists, while those loyal to the administration most of them found a job opportunity in light of the war economy and the difficult living conditions in the region, and few of them joined the military forces based on the comprehensiveness of the idea of a democratic nation that can contain all nationalities without exception or discrimination. As for the opponents, most of them are remnants of the Baath Party, government employees, security personnel and retired informants who have maintained close ties to the regime through” security square” in the cities of Hasakah and Qamishli.
- The Christian component: It is the weakest component politically and militarily, and has in turn been divided into opponents and loyalists. As for the loyalists, they sympathized with the Autonomous Administration and worked in some of its institutions based on the status quo and the principle of the legitimacy of the overcoming imam, and some of them in line with the attractiveness of Mr. Ocalan's internationalist ideas, which are far of any religious discrimination. As for the opponents, they are the nationalist segment that has not yet lost its faith in the legitimacy of the Assad regime and has not lost hope in its imminent return to the region, in addition to its lack of confidence in the slogans of the officials of the Autonomous Administration and its view of the whole issue as a new Kurdish revolution that regional regimes soon flock to and crush, as happened throughout the history of the Kurdish revolutions.
- Merchants and beneficiaries of all components alike: Most of them supported the establishment of the Autonomous Administration because they knew that the poor strong needed their rich and weak brother, who is in need of him as well, and because any political system that takes its legitimacy from overcoming does not dispense with the alliance with the owners of capital, on the grounds that politics is an intensive economy and the economy is an extended policy.
- Intellectuals, liberals, and neutrals of all components: These stood as observers because they did not trust any of the parties to the protracted Syrian conflict and the intense Rojava, and these are also divisible into: reformists and nihilists.
Today, eleven years after the indefinable Syrian massacre (popular revolution, national crisis, global conspiracy, civil war, second independence, war of attrition...) The Autonomous Administration (imported in its superstructure) has gradually adapted to the Syrian local situation with all its flaws and disadvantages, and even those who do not hold a Syrian identity card have acquired the reality of the region to which they were assigned, and the unilateral influence has proven to be a myth that the lived reality does not know. This adaptation can be summarized in a number of key points:

- The inability to break out of the general pattern of the surrounding environment, as mentioned above, and to be afflicted by the same regional evils of tyranny, corruption, profiteering and dogmatism.
- Perpetuating the state of revolution: through the state of slogans occasions vulgar and absurd outlived by the times and became standing then like trying to put time inside a refrigerator in a world that does not stop moving and changing at every moment.
Perpetuating the state of war: because the ruling radical parties in their nature cannot live without an eternal enemy, and because nothing like war can constitute a strong justification for freezing all aspects of civilian life of rights, construction, democracy and transparency in favor of defense and resistance.
Indirect displacement: through starvation, disruption, collapse of infrastructure and the adoption of a militia economy – factors that can be traced back to anything except poor resources, human capital, and individual practices.
The enormous theoretical effort attributed to Mr. Ocalan has become something akin to sacred and mummified religious texts that are obeyed and not discussed, and relied upon in demagogic speeches and parades many times more to establish an advanced superstructure.
- Alleviate the concept of identity by taking it right and north: While the cadres of the Autonomous Administration have theoretically expanded it to include other nationalities, religions and geographies under the name of one democratic nation with diverse cultures, this concept has shrunk on the ground among a large number of self-administered people to descend into loyalty to the clan and sometimes the family and to invent a new version of Islam under the name of democratic Islam.
- Adoption of the doctrine of absolute correctness: whose father (the Soviet Union) died more than three decades ago and whose mother (political Islam) is still struggling as she breathes her last.
Insisting on the principle of expansion and the strategy of exporting the revolution: through partisan arms that intervene in the Iraqi and Iranian parts of Kurdistan in particular, and trying to impose the anarchist cantonal pattern in a primitive, confused way that has no clear features or horizon.
- Linking to the headquarter party from beyond the borders: Today it has become a burden on the son party and dragged the general peoples of Rojava to antagonize a strong NATO member state in solidarity with the parent party, which made it easier for Erdogan's fascist Islamist regime to justify its quest to the experiment and eliminate the Kurdish dream, even outside its political borders, by resorting to more than one method: individual assassination using the technique of hunting from above by drones, and military expansion by making the remaining pockets of the Syrian revolution a spearhead in the occupation The Syrian border areas associated with the Autonomous Administration, and then the adoption of a policy of Turkification in preparation for the annexation of all of northern Syria and did not thread the Ottoman carpet again, but quietly does not attract attention.
- The administration's apparent inability to think outside the box and plan to create a real scientific renaissance that starts from the development of the school and ends with the transformation into a different and advanced island over the surrounding backward neighboring countries and entities, despite the availability of all the ingredients except for the component of good governance, of course.[1]