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100 Years of Dividing Kurdistan
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Burhan Jaff

Burhan Jaff
Burhan Jaff
The Kurdish people are, and have always been, the most victimized in the region by the national borders drawn by the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Divided between four countries, marginalized, and persecuted by each state, the treaty caused unimaginable suffering that is ongoing today. The divisions of the map remain like scars of shame on the bodies of those who made it.

The Kurdish region continues to experience severe tensions, failed regimes, terrorist gangs, civil and economic decline, and blatant denials of human rights. While Iraq and Syria focus on the daily harassment of their Kurdish citizens, Iran and my focus in this talk Turkey compete for control and influence in the region.

At the centenary of the treaty, these facts do nothing but confirm its failure and clarify the need for the international community to reconsider its map, to end historical injustices, and to ensure a level of regional peace, security and stability that is impossible so long as millions of Kurds are denied their most fundamental human rights.
A word of warning though: this it is not a simple task. We must tread carefully because despite the suffering that the treaty has caused since its inception, it now acts as a crucial measure to prevent land reclamation.

In Turkish politics the treaty is at the center of a raging battle for the soul of the nation. In some quarters there is the alarming notion that Turkey plans a neo-Ottoman expansion into neighboring territories.

In its 2018 military operation against Kurds in Arfin, President Erdogan invoked “the red apple,” a centuries-old symbol of the Ottoman pursuit of global power. It is a forceful and disturbing ideology among Turkish politicians who believe Turkey remains entitled to the former lands of the Ottoman Empire, including Idlib, Aleppo, and Hasakah in Syria; Mosul, Erbil, Kirkuk, and Salah al-Din in the Mosul province of Iraq; and areas in Armenia, Bulgaria, and Greece, where there are significant Kurdish populations.

That movement is countered by more co-operative groups that wish to improve Turkey’s standing in the international community and particularly the European Union, but politicians who identify as being part of the “red apple coalition” insist Turkey would lose its autonomy were it to adopt pro-EU policies. And since talks on Turkey’s EU membership are currently frozen due to member concerns about the Turkish human rights record, it seems those nationalist voices are getting their wish.
Inside Turkey there is rampant speculation about the influence of the treaty on the country’s capacity to expand, and here we enter the muddy realms of hearsay and conspiracy theory. While we know these collective myths often stray far from fact, we also know they are rooted in common psychological truths, such as the need to enhance group identity or defend against perceived threats, so they can be instructive as a means of understanding better that “red apple” psychology. So, when some in Turkey claim that the treaty contains mysterious “secret articles” pertaining to Turkey’s right to extract natural resources from the region, and that the treaty will expire in only a few weeks, clearing the way for a rapid Turkish expansion, we understand truly the threat that exists to Kurds in Turkey and beyond.

In reality, the Treaty of Lausanne is still in force today and has no expiration date, “secret articles,” and “sunset clauses” that would specify a period after which the agreement will become void. It is an imperfect document that hurts and defends Kurds at the same time, a splintered shield that cannot last but should not be discounted totally for the safeguards it provides. It offers a map that must be redrawn so that Kurds in the region may thrive, but also warn of the risks of land reclamation that we must heed going forward. We know this kind of delicate but meaningful progress can be made.

The achievements of Kurds in Iraq, where the constitution now recognizes Kurdish rights and the Kurdish region as a federal entity, are a strong example. The recognition of the fight for Rojava in the Syrian constitution is promising too. And I hope that Iran, and indeed Turkey, will acknowledge soon the democratic and national entitlements of Kurds, and that peaceful, humane policies will be adopted in those countries. Of course, the solution for the Kurdish people will always lie in our divided homeland, but as we strengthen our resolve and build our unity towards that reunion, take this as a call for intelligent, constructive diplomacy a century after the Treaty of Lausanne.

Burhan Jaff, a Kurdish veteran politician, has an impressive track record of diplomatic service. He held the esteemed position of Iraq's Permanent Representative to the United Nations and served as the Ambassador of Iraq to Greece and Cyprus from 2010 to 2016. Additionally, he served as the Head of Mission of the Kurdistan Region to the European Union in Brussels from 1998 to 2009.[1]
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Kurdipedia是世界上最大的为库尔德信息来源!
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